{"id":2129,"date":"2015-10-16T01:27:01","date_gmt":"2015-10-16T01:27:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.iuhrdf.org\/en\/2015\/10\/16\/chinas-great-game-russias-backyard\/"},"modified":"2015-10-16T01:27:01","modified_gmt":"2015-10-16T01:27:01","slug":"chinas-great-game-russias-backyard","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/chinas-great-game-russias-backyard\/","title":{"rendered":"China\u2019s Great Game: In Russia\u2019s backyard"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Beijing\u2019s hope to reshape the former Soviet states of central Asia is at odds with Moscow\u2019s ambitions<\/p>\n<p style=\"color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: sans-serif, Arial, Verdana, 'Trebuchet MS'; font-size: 13px; line-height: 20.8px;\">October 14, 2015 7:47 pm<br \/>Jack Farchy<\/p>\n<p style=\"color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: sans-serif, Arial, Verdana, 'Trebuchet MS'; font-size: 13px; line-height: 20.8px;\">The handful of shiny new buildings sprouting out of a barren landscape of dusty steppe and rusting shipping containers is an incongruous sight. One of them, a sparkling tower of marble and glass, is empty aside from a duty-free shop on the ground floor. Next door, a shop sells Russian honey and Chinese ladies\u2019 shoes, displayed side by side.<\/p>\n<p style=\"color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: sans-serif, Arial, Verdana, 'Trebuchet MS'; font-size: 13px; line-height: 20.8px;\">This is Khorgos, the dividing line between China and Kazakhstan. And while it may not look like much now, China has ambitions to transform this border point at what was once the edge of the Russian empire into a new gateway to the west.<\/p>\n<p style=\"color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: sans-serif, Arial, Verdana, 'Trebuchet MS'; font-size: 13px; line-height: 20.8px;\">\u201cEast meets west. It\u2019s here. This is the linking point,\u201d says Hicham Belmaachi, commercial director of a newly-built dry port at the border, designed to speed up the transit of Chinese goods<a href=\"http:\/\/www.ft.com\/cms\/s\/0\/60f33cf8-6dae-11e5-8171-ba1968cf791a.html#axzz3oS1uWREd\" style=\"color: rgb(46, 110, 158);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"China\u2019s Great Game: New frontier, old foes - FT.com\" rel=\"noopener\">&nbsp;via Xinjiang<\/a>&nbsp;on their way to central Asia, Europe or the Middle East.<\/p>\n<div style=\"color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: sans-serif, Arial, Verdana, 'Trebuchet MS'; font-size: 13px; line-height: 20.8px;\">Khorgos is just one of a ribbon of projects across the region designed to help realise&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.ft.com\/indepth\/china-great-game\" style=\"color: rgb(46, 110, 158);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"China's Great Game in depth - FT.com\" rel=\"noopener\">China\u2019s dreams of a new Silk Road<\/a>&nbsp;\u2014 a plan&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.ft.com\/cms\/s\/2\/6e098274-587a-11e5-a28b-50226830d644.html#axzz3oS1uWREd\" style=\"color: rgb(46, 110, 158);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"China\u2019s Great Game: Road to a new empire - FT.com\" rel=\"noopener\">backed by President Xi Jinping<\/a>&nbsp;that would firmly stamp his country\u2019s authority and influence from Xi\u2019an to Europe.<\/div>\n<div style=\"color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: sans-serif, Arial, Verdana, 'Trebuchet MS'; font-size: 13px; line-height: 20.8px;\">\n<p>With promises of&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.ft.com\/cms\/s\/3\/e9dcd674-15d8-11e5-be54-00144feabdc0.html#axzz3oS1uWREd\" style=\"color: rgb(46, 110, 158);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"Chinese overseas lending dominated by One Belt, One Road strategy - FT.com\" rel=\"noopener\">tens of billions of dollars in investment<\/a>, the Chinese strategy, if realised, could reshape the&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.ft.com\/cms\/s\/0\/1938344c-ed87-11e4-987e-00144feab7de.html#axzz3oS1uWREd\" style=\"color: rgb(46, 110, 158);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"Central Asia: After the strongmen - FT.com\" rel=\"noopener\">former Soviet economies of central Asia<\/a>, which have been battered by falling commodity prices and recession in Russia.<\/p>\n<p>But increasing economic dependence on China at a time of&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.ft.com\/cms\/s\/0\/cb446e10-6057-11e5-97e9-7f0bf5e7177b.html#axzz3oS1uWREd\" style=\"color: rgb(46, 110, 158);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"China data: Making the numbers add up - FT.com\" rel=\"noopener\">uncertainty over the health of its economy<\/a>&nbsp;is not universally popular in the central Asian states. And the launch of a regional integration drive has put Beijing on a collision course with Moscow, which has been lobbying countries to join its Eurasian Economic Union. It also raises the stakes for Beijing: as China invests more in this fragile region bordering Afghanistan, it is finding it harder to resist being drawn into political and military affairs.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThis is China\u2019s inadvertent empire. It\u2019s a part of the world where they are clearly becoming the most significant geopolitical player,\u201d says Raffaello Pantucci, a specialist on the region at the Royal United Services Institute. \u201cI don\u2019t think they\u2019ve given consideration to what that means in the longer term.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong>Echoes of ancient camel bells<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Two years ago, Mr Xi stood in Kazakhstan\u2019s futuristic capital of Astana and invoked the memory of Zhang Qian, the diplomat who helped open China\u2019s trade with the world in the 2nd century BC.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cAs I stand here and look back at that episode of history, I could almost hear the camel bells echoing in the mountains and see the wisp of smoke rising from the desert,\u201d the Chinese leader said. Describing Kazakhstan as a \u201cmagic land\u201d, he called for the creation of a new \u201ceconomic belt\u201d along the old trade routes.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThe ancient Silk Road has gained fresh vitality,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n<div><img decoding=\"async\" alt=\"\" class=\"CToWUd a6T\" src=\"http:\/\/docs.uyghuramerican.org\/images\/chinese-trade-with-ca.jpg\" style=\"cursor: pointer; display: block; outline: 0px; width: 622px; height: 480px;\"><\/div>\n<p>Others see parallels with a more recent period in history: the tussle for influence between the Russian and British empires in the 19th century. As China expands its influence in parts of the former Soviet Union, central Asia could become the focus of a new \u201cGreat Game\u201d between Beijing, Moscow and possibly Iran, Turkey and western countries.<\/p>\n<div>\n<p>But as western interest in the region recedes with the military drawdown from Afghanistan, and Russia\u2019s ability to invest is curtailed by its own economic recession, the Great Game in the region may turn out to be one-sided. Over the past two decades China has quietly become the pre-eminent economic power in the region; now many central Asian governments greet the prospect of Chinese investment as their last chance to stave off a downturn that could threaten political stability.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>Trade between China and the five post-Soviet central Asian states \u2014 Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan \u2014 has risen from $1.8bn in 2000 to $50bn in 2013, according to IMF data, before dropping slightly amid the decline in commodity prices. That means China has surpassed Russia in recent years to become the region\u2019s single largest trade partner.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cIf you look at investment needs in the region, then Chinese participation is very important to say the least,\u201d says Agris Preimanis, central Asia economist at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, a major western investor in the region. \u201cThey are increasingly active in all sectors and you just cannot see western capital or Russian capital taking their place.\u201d<\/p>\n<div><img decoding=\"async\" alt=\"\" class=\"CToWUd a6T\" src=\"http:\/\/docs.uyghuramerican.org\/images\/shnghai-co.jpg\" style=\"cursor: pointer; display: block; outline: 0px; width: 622px;\"><\/div>\n<p>In Kazakhstan, Chinese companies own somewhere between one-fifth and one-quarter of the country\u2019s oil production \u2014 about the same proportion as the national oil company. In Turkmenistan, holder of the world\u2019s fourth-largest gas reserves, China has replaced Russia\u2019s Gazprom as the dominant buyer of Turkmen gas, accounting for 61 per cent of exports last year. Much of that shift is thanks the Central Asia-China gas pipeline, opened in 2009, which provides the region\u2019s energy-rich economies with a major export route not controlled by Moscow. In the region\u2019s poorer countries, China has also become an economic power. Chinese companies have invested in oil refineries and cement plants in&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.ft.com\/cms\/s\/0\/7b833598-6a82-11e5-aca9-d87542bf8673.html#axzz3oS1uWREd\" style=\"color: rgb(46, 110, 158);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"Voters celebrate Kyrgyzstan\u2019s democratic experiment - FT.com\" rel=\"noopener\">Kyrgyzstan<\/a>&nbsp;and Tajikistan, and in roads and tunnels across the region.<\/p>\n<p>Data on the scale of Chinese investment are sketchy, as much is done at a bilateral level between Chinese state banks, such as China Development Bank or China Eximbank, and central Asian governments or state companies.<\/p>\n<p>But in one example, the Tajik deputy finance minister last year told the FT that Beijing would invest&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.ft.com\/cms\/s\/0\/2c87ee20-58f9-11e4-9546-00144feab7de.html#slide0\" style=\"color: rgb(46, 110, 158);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"Tajikistan looks to China as Russian remittances dry up - FT.com\" rel=\"noopener\">$6bn in Tajikistan<\/a>&nbsp;over the next three years \u2014 a figure equivalent to two-thirds of the&nbsp;country\u2019s annual gross domestic product.<\/p>\n<p>This economic dominance means that often it seems that China, not Russia, is now the most important patron of central Asian governments. After Kazakhstan allowed its&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.ft.com\/cms\/s\/0\/48495ba8-579f-11e5-a28b-50226830d644.html#axzz3oY03rpp5\" style=\"color: rgb(46, 110, 158);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"Currency devaluation places Kazakhstan central bank under pressure - FT.com\" rel=\"noopener\">currency to float freely in August<\/a>, triggering an immediate devaluation of more than a fifth, its first priority was to reassure Beijing.<\/p>\n<div><img decoding=\"async\" alt=\"\" class=\"CToWUd a6T\" src=\"http:\/\/docs.uyghuramerican.org\/images\/trade-central-asia.jpg\" style=\"cursor: pointer; display: block; outline: 0px; width: 622px; height: 428px;\"><\/div>\n<p>\u201cWhere is the first visit of the Kazakh president after this decision? Where was the first commitment that all the investments are in place? China,\u201d says Kairat Kelimbetov, the central bank governor.<\/p>\n<p>When Tajikistan, the region\u2019s poorest country, was running low on central bank reserves this summer, it signed a swap agreement with the People\u2019s Bank of China worth Rmb3.2bn ($500m).<\/p>\n<p>It is not always smooth travelling on the new Silk Road. In a region that has traditionally felt greater cultural affinities with Russia and Turkey, politicians are frequently suspicious of China. A proposal for China to lease a large area of land for agriculture triggered rare public protests in Kazakhstan in 2010.<\/p>\n<p>Dosym Satpayev, a Kazakh political scientist who heads the Almaty-based Risk Assessment Group, warns: \u201cAny attempt by China to increase influence in Kazakhstan will awake more anti-China sentiment.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong>Moscow\u2019s compromise<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>While many see the new Silk Road as more of a formalisation of China\u2019s presence in the region than a specific plan, the fanfare surrounding it has raised hackles among those who see central Asia as part of Russia\u2019s \u201csphere of influence\u201d. Zhao Huasheng, director of the Centre for Russia and Central Asia studies at Fudan University, says that when the Silk Road strategy was announced, Russian officials saw it as a challenge to Moscow\u2019s own regional integration project, the Eurasian Economic Union.<\/p>\n<div>\n<p>\u201cChina provided a lot of explanation,\u201d he says. \u201cChina sees the projects developing in parallel, in a co-operative way.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>In the past, Russia blocked attempts to increase the reach of another Chinese-led regional group, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, which includes all the central Asian states apart from Turkmenistan.<\/p>\n<p>Yet when Mr Xi visited Moscow in May, the two countries signed&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.ft.com\/cms\/s\/0\/b51a6ae2-2716-11e5-9c4e-a775d2b173ca.html#axzz3n1jqXJBO\" style=\"color: rgb(46, 110, 158);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"India and Pakistan join Shanghai Co-operation Organisation - FT.com\" rel=\"noopener\">a declaration on co-operation&nbsp;<\/a>between the Eurasian Economic Union and the Silk Road project. Alexander Gabuev, senior associate at the Carnegie Moscow Center, a think-tank, says the deal was the result of \u201cpainful internal discussions\u201d in Moscow. Analysts say the unspoken agreement between Moscow and Beijing appears to be that Russia will cede economic dominance in central Asia to China, but maintain its military and security heft in the region.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cWhat the Kremlin is hoping for is a division of labour between Moscow and Beijing in central Asia,\u201d says Mr Gabuev. \u201cIn this grand scheme, China will be the major driver for economic development, while Moscow will remain the dominant hard security provider.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Liu Yazhou, a general in the People\u2019s Liberation Army, called central Asia \u201ca&nbsp;rich piece of cake given to today\u2019s Chinese&nbsp;people by heaven\u201d in a 2010 essay that became a kind of manifesto for China\u2019s expansionist policy in the region.<\/p>\n<p>Analysts see two broad motivations behind the dramatic increase in Chinese investment in the region that started in the 1990s.<\/p>\n<p>First, as China\u2019s commodity consumption skyrocketed, central Asia was a nearby source of oil, gas, uranium, copper and gold supplies. Second, Beijing wanted co-operation from the newly-independent states to keep its restive Xinjiang region in check. Xinjiang\u2019s native Uighurs have much in common with the cultures, languages and religion of central Asia, and there is a large Uighur minority in the region.<\/p>\n<p>But China may find it hard to stay out of security matters as its economic interests in the region increase. It has already started providing some military aid to Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. \u201cEven though this is an economic project it could create political impact or influence,\u201d says Prof Zhao. \u201cI think China will get more involved in security in the region. But it doesn\u2019t mean China will be involved in that region militarily.\u201d<\/p>\n<div><img decoding=\"async\" alt=\"\" class=\"CToWUd a6T\" src=\"http:\/\/docs.uyghuramerican.org\/images\/trade-central-asia2.jpg\" style=\"cursor: pointer; display: block; outline: 0px; width: 622px; height: 600px;\"><\/div>\n<p>General Liu writes of the cultural affinities between Xinjiang and the peoples of central Asia, noting: \u201cThe advantageous factor is that they all derive great benefits from economic co-operation with China.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong>A new route to market<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>With the launch of the new Silk Road, analysts see a shift in investments towards infrastructure and other sectors. \u201cIf before Chinese investment was directed at the oil and gas sector, now it will be in infrastructure, industry, agriculture, tourism and other areas,\u201d says Ding Xiaoxing, director of central Asia studies at the China Institute for Contemporary International Relations, a government-linked think-tank.<\/p>\n<p>At Khorgos, the Kazakh-Chinese border crossing, this shift is becoming reality. Rows of gleaming new railway tracks stretch into the distance, ready to handle ever-increasing volumes of Chinese cargo. Mr Belmaachi boasts that his team can shift a trainload of cargo from a Chinese to a Kazakh train \u2014 the two countries\u2019 railways have different-sized gauges \u2014 in just 47 minutes.<\/p>\n<p>The state railway company, Kazakhstan Temir Zholy (KTZ), has invested 245bn tenge ($900m) to build the dry port, which started operations in August and launches officially next Monday. China\u2019s Jiangsu province in September announced an agreement to invest $600m over five years in logistics and industrial zones around Khorgos.<\/p>\n<p>Darryl Hadaway, a former regional head of Deloitte who is starting a logistics business focused on Kazakhstan, says Khorgos can become a hub for regional and international trade, serving the role that Atlanta does in the US.<\/p>\n<div><img decoding=\"async\" alt=\"\" class=\"CToWUd a6T\" src=\"http:\/\/docs.uyghuramerican.org\/images\/kaza-qorghas.jpg\" style=\"cursor: pointer; display: block; outline: 0px; width: 622px;\"><\/div>\n<p>Already, the number of containers travelling by train between China and Europe via Kazakhstan has increased 18 times between 2011 and 2014, and is on track to double again this year, according to KTZ. The route is attractive to electronics companies such as HP \u2014 which has helped to pioneer it \u2014 for whom the shorter transit time compared to shipping by sea is worth paying for. The journey from China to Europe takes 14-16 days, compared with a month or more by sea, although the cost of shipping one container is some $9,000 compared with $3,000 by sea.<\/p>\n<p>KTZ is hoping to capture 6 per cent of the trade between China and Europe by 2020; currently 98 per cent goes by sea.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cCompanies in Europe and China have never studied this option in detail. People were really busy shipping by sea and not focusing on this route,\u201d says Mr Belmaachi. \u201cI really think this is the next big thing for the supply chain.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Increasing the number of trains plying the route may also help to open up new trade routes for perishable products, like fruit and vegetables, says Mr Hadaway. \u201cThere is a whole range of products coming out of Asia that have never been able to access this market.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Beijing\u2019s hope to reshape the former Soviet states of central Asia is at odds with Moscow\u2019s ambitions<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":2128,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"topic":[],"class_list":["post-2129","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2129","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2129"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2129\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/2128"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2129"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2129"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2129"},{"taxonomy":"topic","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/topic?post=2129"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}