Download as PDF<\/a><\/p>\nSUMMARY<\/b><\/p>\n\n- International terrorism has emerged in recent years as a direct threat to Chinese nationals living overseas. As China’s footprint becomes increasingly global its exposure to the risk of terror attacks has increased too.<\/li>\n
- China\u2019s approach to international terrorism is becoming militarised. This trend has the potential to accelerate if Chinese nationals are victims of new attacks overseas.<\/li>\n
- Although China is an active and responsible player in the UN with clearly expressed priorities and an interest in protecting its citizens overseas, it is not taking a strong role in leading and shaping the UN\u2019s counter-terrorism agenda. <\/li>\n
- The EU should take stock of the ongoing transformation of China\u2019s approach to explore a modest upgrade of its current policy of cautious engagement.<\/li>\n
- When engaging with China the EU should make clear that an overly politicised approach will be an obstacle to cooperation, and be upfront in setting the conditions of cooperation. The EU should not underestimate what China has to offer but shouldn’t make big compromises either.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n
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POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS<\/b><\/p>\n\n- Set the conditions of cooperation<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n
The EU should launch discussions with the PLA about the conditions under which China could join military strikes against the Islamic State, in the context of the new anti-terrorism law and ongoing debates in China regarding the use of military power overseas. This discussion should not be left to bilateral Chinese-Russian talks. The EU should make use of the upcoming defence and security dialogue with China. EU member states involved in military action against the Islamic State should also pursue such discussions through their military missions in Beijing.<\/p>\n
\n- Set clear expectations<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n
The EU should make clear it expects a less politicised approach from China at the UN sanctions committee: one focused on the global terror threat, rather than the Xinjiang issue and China\u2019s support for Pakistan. The UN sanctions committee is the appropriate channel for sharing analysis on foreign fighters and produces the list that is the key instrument to calibrate the international response to terrorism. European countries at the UN Security Council (France, the United Kingdom, Spain in 2016, Sweden in 2017-2018, Italy in 2017 and the Netherlands in 2018) should make use of their privileged position at the UN to push the issue.<\/p>\n
\n- Approach capacity-building as an area of mutual interest<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n
The EU and member states should look for areas in which they can complement China in capacity-building efforts in third states. China\u2019s military assistance to third countries is not documented in detail; part of it proceeds through donations of military equipment, and information regarding training and exchanges is not centralised. Europe and China should brief each other on their bilateral CT initiatives through EU delegations and Chinese embassies in third countries. The element of competition, with regards to transfers of counter-terrorism military and safety equipment to third states, cannot be ignored \u2014 but there are greater security issues that should be given priority.<\/p>\n
\n- Don\u2019t underestimate what China can offer<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n
China\u2019s contribution to the security of key transport infrastructure, especially aviation security, is a promising area for exchange. Many developing countries need to upgrade their safety standards. China has world-class airport security and can play a capacity-building role through ICAO and\/or bilateral diplomacy to the benefit of the international community.<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n
\t\t\tINTRODUCTION<\/b><\/p>\n