{"id":4136,"date":"2018-10-07T11:09:52","date_gmt":"2018-10-07T11:09:52","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.iuhrdf.org\/en\/2018\/10\/07\/china-detains-muslim-uyghurs-its-economic-clout-mutes-world-criticism\/"},"modified":"2018-10-07T11:09:52","modified_gmt":"2018-10-07T11:09:52","slug":"china-detains-muslim-uyghurs-its-economic-clout-mutes-world-criticism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/china-detains-muslim-uyghurs-its-economic-clout-mutes-world-criticism\/","title":{"rendered":"As China detains Muslim Uyghurs, its economic clout mutes world criticism"},"content":{"rendered":"

WHY WE WROTE THIS<\/strong><\/p>\n

Has China simply become too powerful for the world to protest its human rights abuses? A vast surveillance and detention campaign against a Muslim minority is putting that to the test.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Eighteen months after the first reports of a major security crackdown in China\u2019s frontier province of Xinjiang, the world is beginning to wake up to evidence that Beijing is forcing an unprecedented detention and indoctrination program on the Muslim Uyghur ethnic group.<\/p>\n

A United Nations panel in mid-August heard what one member called \u201ccredible reports\u201d that as many as 1 million Uyghurs are being interned and subjected to political re-education. And in a flurry of statements late last month, several senior US officials and politicians condemned China\u2019s treatment of the Uyghurs, citing the same figures.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt\u2019s an attempt to brainwash an entire people because of their religious and political beliefs,\u201d says Nicolas Bequelin, East Asia director for Amnesty International. \u201cThe policy aims to marginalize and stamp out an entire ethnic group.\u201d<\/p>\n

But awareness is not translating into action \u2013 not yet, at any rate.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe world is starting to pay a little more attention to the fate of the Uyghurs,\u201d adds Mr. Bequelin, but few governments have spoken out and none have taken any firm steps to oppose the campaign. And that may be simply because, as China\u2019s clout spreads worldwide<\/a>, countries eager for a share of its trade and investment do not dare alienate Beijing. Even governments that have previously spoken up for vulnerable Muslim populations around the world have remained silent, underscoring China\u2019s increasingly pivotal role beyond its neighborhood.<\/p>\n

\u201cGovernments are not willing to speak up because they would be risking too much economically,\u201d says Peter Irwin, advocacy director for the World Uyghur Congress (WUC.)<\/p>\n

Big Brother gets bigger<\/h2>\n

At the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination in Geneva earlier this month, Vice Chair Gay McDougall said China had made Xinjiang \u201csomething resembling a massive internment camp, shrouded in secrecy, a kind of no-rights zone.\u201d Critics fear the pervasive surveillance state erected in the region may be a testing ground for broader use elsewhere in the country.<\/p>\n

Beijing insists that its harsh policies in the restive, mainly Muslim province are aimed at curbing Islamic extremism. Uyghur separatists have staged sporadic bomb and knife attacks, and an editorial in the Communist Party-run Global Times newspaper argued recently that Xinjiang \u201chas avoided the fate of becoming \u2018China\u2019s Syria\u2019 or \u2018China\u2019s Libya\u2019 \u201d because of \u201cthe high intensity of regulations.\u201d<\/p>\n

In Geneva, Chinese delegate Hu Lianhe denied that as many as a million people were being held, but explained that \u201cthose deceived by religious extremism\u201d were being sent to \u201cvocational education and employment training centers.\u201d He did not say how many such people had been sent to such centers.<\/p>\n

But new evidence suggests that the crackdown has reached unprecedented proportions, with over 1,000 detention centers built or enlarged since early 2017. Former detainees have reported being obliged to spend their days reciting Chinese laws, watching pro-government propaganda films, swearing loyalty to Chinese President Xi Jinping, and renouncing tenets of their faith. <\/p>\n

People mingle in the old town of Kashgar, Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, China, March 22, 2017. A UN panel in mid-July heard what one member called \u201ccredible reports\u201d that as many as 1 million Uyghurs are being interned and subjected to political re-education. Thomas Peter\/Reuters<\/em><\/p>\n

Outside these centers, Xinjiang regulations ban \u201cabnormal\u201d beards and veils in public, as well as certain names, including Mohammed. Uighur areas have been flooded with police, and live under one the most sophisticated and pervasive surveillance systems in the world. CCTV cameras use facial recognition technology, and authorities are collecting and registering residents\u2019 DNA and iris scans, according to a Human Rights Watch report<\/a>.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt is likely that experiences learned in the re-education program will inform social re-engineering practices in the rest of the country,\u201d predicts Adrian Zenz, a Xinjiang expert at the European School of Culture and Theology in Germany. \u201cIn a more subtle and refined way they could be used against more stubborn pockets of Muslim or Christian sentiment.\u201d<\/p>\n

Dr. Zenz published research three months ago \u2013 based on studies of Xinjiang government procurement bids, eyewitness accounts, and interviews with officials \u2013 estimating the number of Uyghurs undergoing \u201ctransformation through education\u201d (as Chinese officials call it) at possibly 1.1 million. That is around 10 percent of the Uyghur population in Xinjiang. <\/p>\n

The Chinese government has offered no legal justification for the detentions, nor is it clear whether there are any official criteria governing detainees\u2019 release.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe goal is to produce long-term change through intimidation in an entire ethnic and religious population,\u201d Dr. Zenz says. \u201cIt is hard to compare it with anything else\u201d in recent history.<\/p>\n

US ‘deeply troubled’<\/h2>\n

The Chinese campaign has caught little international attention until now, partly because before Zenz\u2019s report most evidence was anecdotal, and from politically motivated groups like the WUC. Foreign journalists have found it almost impossible to report from Xinjiang, and Uyghur exiles are afraid to speak for fear of what might happen to relatives in China.<\/p>\n

But last month, in connection with a State Department-organized international conference on religious freedom, US officials broke their silence with a spate of comments.<\/p>\n

Though President Trump\u2019s administration has shown little interest in human rights abroad, and has a history of controversial comments toward Islam<\/a>, \u201creligious issues are something that the Republican Party very easily gets behind,\u201d says James Millward, an expert in Uyghur affairs at Georgetown University in Washington. \u201cThe US has traditionally been concerned about religious freedoms abroad.\u201d<\/p>\n

At the conference, Vice President Mike Pence accused Beijing of \u201cholding \u2026 possibly millions of Uighur Muslims in so-called re-education camps, where they\u2019re forced to undergo round-the-clock political indoctrination.\u201d<\/p>\n

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo leveled a similar accusation, and US Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley, speaking at the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, said that the Uyghurs\u2019 \u201creligious and ethnic identity is literally being extinguished by the Chinese government.\u201d<\/p>\n

The day before, a senior US diplomat had told the Congressional-Executive Commission on China that \u201cthe United States is deeply troubled by the Chinese government\u2019s worsening crackdown\u201d in Xinjiang and called on other countries to join in Washington\u2019s denunciations.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe have been quite disappointed at the lack of response,\u201d says the WUC\u2019s Mr. Irwin. \u201cThe reason things have gone as far as they have is that China saw no one was going to object so they pushed things further.\u201d<\/p>\n

European diplomats say they raised the Uyghurs\u2019 plight at a human-rights dialogue with Chinese officials in Beijing last month, but that was as far as the issue went.<\/p>\n

Majority-Muslim reactions<\/h2>\n

Most striking is the silence from Muslim countries and organizations that have in the past leaped to the defense of other Muslim peoples, such as the Palestinians or the Rohingya.<\/p>\n

\u201cOver the years there have been really muted reactions from the Middle East\u201d to events in Xinjiang, says Dawn Murphy, an expert in China\u2019s relations with the Middle East at the US Air War College in Alabama.<\/p>\n

Many Arab countries, not eager to draw attention to their own human rights records, \u201cappreciate China\u2019s respect for the principle of non-interference in other countries\u2019 affairs,\u201d Professor Murphy suggests. \u201cAnd looking broadly at their relations with China, they have likely decided that their economic and political interests are more important\u201d than the Uyghurs\u2019 human rights.<\/p>\n

The 57-member Organisation of Islamic Cooperation has said nothing about Xinjiang since 2015, when it protested a government edict forbidding civil servants and students from observing the holy fast of Ramadan.<\/p>\n

Closer to China, the last Malaysian government cooperated with Beijing to deport a number of Uyghur asylum-seekers. In return, says Ahmad Farouk Musa, head of the Islamic Renaissance Front think tank in Kuala Lumpur, the Chinese government appears to have paid off significant debts<\/a> held by the Malaysian sovereign wealth fund.<\/p>\n

\u201cBusiness speaks louder than a humanitarian crisis,\u201d Dr. Musa says. But the new Malaysian prime minister, Mahathir bin Mohamed, has promised a more independent line towards Beijing, Musa points out. \u201cNow we are not scared to stand up to China.\u201d<\/p>\n

Meanwhile the Turkish government \u2013 traditionally the region\u2019s strongest supporter of the Uyghurs, their ethnic cousins \u2013 has been tight-lipped over the \u201cre-education\u201d program. The increasingly autocratic President Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan, turning East in his search for allies, is seeking Turkish membership in the Chinese-led Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and is thought unlikely to needle Beijing amid a bitter political and economic dispute<\/a> with Washington.<\/p>\n

Some activists say they still hope that as news from Xinjiang spreads, it will spur pressure on China, despite Beijing\u2019s economic clout.<\/p>\n

In the past, the WUC\u2019s Mr. Irwin points out, \u201cstates did not really believe the figures we were talking about. Now that there is a firmer basis for them we hope there will be more of a reaction. The issue is filtering up the system in the US, at least.\u201d<\/p>\n

In November, China is due to undergo its five-yearly \u201cperiodic review\u201d by the UN Human Rights Committee. Uyghur activists hope their nascent momentum will \u201cpush the international community to make strong statements\u201d at that meeting, Irwin says.<\/p>\n

\u201cBut getting governments to pass laws\u201d to punish China, he adds ruefully, \u201cis another story.\u201d<\/p>\n

Source: The Christian Science Monitor<\/a><\/p>\n

\n
\n
\n

By Peter Ford 
Global Correspondent<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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