{"id":4403,"date":"2018-11-06T20:19:10","date_gmt":"2018-11-06T20:19:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.iuhrdf.org\/en\/2018\/11\/06\/inside-chinas-campaign-against-uyghurs\/"},"modified":"2018-11-06T20:19:10","modified_gmt":"2018-11-06T20:19:10","slug":"inside-chinas-campaign-against-uyghurs","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/inside-chinas-campaign-against-uyghurs\/","title":{"rendered":"Inside China\u2019s campaign against the Uyghurs"},"content":{"rendered":"

Across the westernmost stretches of China where Islam has flourished for centuries, the signs of a government effort to engineer a society of model citizens loyal to the Communist Party stand in plain sight.<\/span><\/p>\n

In the sun-scorched lowlands of Turpan, a city in the Xinjiang region, cranes tend a construction site where high walls surround both completed buildings and concrete shells. This site, part of an expanding network of <\/span>centres<\/span> for forced political indoctrination and skills training, will soon hold additional people who authorities say need to be scrubbed of what they deem to be extremist thoughts. Western scholars estimate hundreds of thousands of people are already detained in such <\/span>centres<\/span>, many of whom are Uyghurs, a largely Muslim ethnic group.<\/span><\/p>\n

In the regional capital of Urumqi, past the scanners that register each person entering a residential compound, stickers affixed to apartment doors ask residents to report for an \u201cin-home interview.\u201d At a prominent mosque in the city, the prayer hall sits empty behind locked doors. A security guard says it\u2019s under renovation.<\/span><\/p>\n

But it\u2019s not clear any work is being carried out. Three weeks earlier, a young man working nearby caught a glimpse inside when he was asked to move furniture. It looked \u201cthe same as before,\u201d he says, with one exception: \u201ca big camera\u201d pointed at anyone who might enter.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Documenting the disappeared: Relatives, friends build <\/span><\/a><\/span>database<\/span><\/span><\/a> of missing Uyghurs<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Chinese authorities and academics say Xinjiang is besieged by religious radicals bent on national upheaval. After years of a militarized attempt to combat what authorities say is terrorism, China is declaring success in stamping out violence in the region.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Now the state has shifted to an educational effort, a sweeping \u201cde-extremization\u201d campaign to instill patriotism and Chinese socialist values while excising what authorities say is cancerous thinking that has endangered social stability.<\/span><\/p>\n

But what China calls a bid to defeat extremism, the young man near the empty mosque sees it as trying to \u201cdefeat Islam.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

In late October, The Globe and Mail <\/span>travelled<\/span> to Xinjiang to better understand what is taking place. For nearly 1,600 <\/span>kilometres<\/span>, The Globe was followed and tracked by people who would not provide their names, some of whom drove vehicles without <\/span>licence<\/span> plates and followed The Globe on foot.<\/span><\/p>\n

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The heavy surveillance made independent reporting difficult since, according to many accounts from residents who have left Xinjiang, local authorities are suspicious of contact with foreigners. Uyghurs living outside China say relatives in Xinjiang have cut communication to avoid falling under suspicion.<\/span><\/p>\n

As a result, The Globe spoke with only a few Muslims in Xinjiang, a group that includes ethnic Uyghurs, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz <\/span>and<\/span> Hui, and is withholding their identities out of concern for their safety.<\/span><\/p>\n

Those who did answer questions described <\/span>fear<\/span> of <\/span>practising<\/span> their religion both in public and in private. State surveillance and the threat of detention in <\/span>centres<\/span> for political indoctrination and skills training keeps them away from mosques, even the ones that remain open.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u2018My wife has become more considerate. My kids are proud\u2019: China offers its own account of political indoctrination camps<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cI don\u2019t go,\u201d one restaurant owner said. \u201cWe can\u2019t go,\u201d said a woman in a village in eastern Xinjiang, before declining any further questions. The situation, her son said, has grown too \u201cintense.\u201d A few minutes later, six police entered the village on motorcycles, some of them bearing large black metal shields.<\/span><\/p>\n

Throughout the region, authorities equipped mosques with cameras to watch entrances and ID scanners with facial-recognition systems to document each person who walks inside.<\/span><\/p>\n

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As far as the young man in Urumqi can tell, almost no one is taking that risk.<\/span><\/p>\n

In Xinjiang, he said, \u201cYou can believe. But you can\u2019t tell anyone.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

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A police officer stands behind a large metal shield in Turpan, in China’s Xinjiang, where security forces have a very visible presence.<\/span><\/p>\n

NATHAN VANDERKLIPPE\/THE GLOBE AND MAIL<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Striking contrast<\/span><\/h3>\n

The United Nations Human Rights Council is expected to scrutinize the Chinese government\u2019s actions in Xinjiang on Tuesday as part of a periodic review of the country. In the lead-up, authorities and state media have emphasized that the government acted to quell a rising tide of extremism, safeguarding the well-being of all residents by ensuring their security.<\/span><\/p>\n

A Chinese delegation in August told the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination that China \u201cpays special attention to respecting the religious beliefs of ethnic minorities and to protecting their cultural heritage\u201d and \u201cinvests a great amount of capital in the maintenance of temples and religious sites.\u201d Supportive government policies brought almost 1.85 million people in the region out of poverty between 2014 and 2017, state media reported in October.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cAfter years of trying to obliterate the scourge of terrorism, Xinjiang stabilized,\u201d Liu Sai, a researcher at the Xinjiang Academy of Social Sciences, wrote last month in the Communist Party-run Global Times. Now, \u201cthe region is developing steadily and there is amity among all ethnic groups.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Chinese state television <\/span>have<\/span> aired interviews with detainees in what officials called a <\/span>centre<\/span> for \u201dvocational education and training.\u201d Such <\/span>centres<\/span> are part of dozens, perhaps hundreds, of facilities built in the past 18 months where Western scholars say authorities detained as many as a million people and subjected them to forced political indoctrination. Former detainees have told The Globe they were ordered to recite lines expressing loyalty to Chinese President Xi Jinping and faith in the Communist Party rather than religion.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Chinese government, however, says it offers employment and skills training. On state television, one detainee credited his studies <\/span>with<\/span> allowing him to realize his \u201cmistakes,\u201d be a good citizen \u201cand influence the people around me.\u201d Another said studying Chinese had improved her language skills, and as a result \u201cI\u2019ll be able to work and make money anywhere.\u201d A third expressed gratitude for having been saved from extremism, saying \u201cthe Party and government have found me in time and saved me, giving me a chance to reform and start anew.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

In a lengthy interview published by state media, Xinjiang\u2019s highest-ranking Uyghur official said such <\/span>centres<\/span>, which include sports and entertainment facilities, have helped people realize that \u201clife can be so <\/span>colourful<\/span>.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

That description stands in striking contrast to what current and former residents of the region told The Globe and Mail.<\/span><\/p>\n

Because of the difficulty of reporting inside Xinjiang, The Globe interviewed overseas Uyghurs and foreign researchers who have visited the region in recent months. Their accounts, like that of the young man near the mosque, describe a place where, both inside and outside <\/span>centres<\/span> for political indoctrination and skills training, authorities have so profoundly interfered with <\/span>normal<\/span> religious observance that some people believe the real target is Islam itself.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Guard towers, high walls <\/span>and<\/span> razor wire surround a facility in Turpan, China, that locals say is used for “education” and western researchers say is a <\/span>centre<\/span> for political indoctrination and skills training.<\/span><\/p>\n

NATHAN VANDERKLIPPE\/THE GLOBE AND MAIL<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\u2018We cannot do anything\u2019<\/span><\/h3>\n

Across Xinjiang, Muslims have set fire to religious books and thrown out prayer mats to avoid being seen as radical. Mosques are padlocked or unused; some are now tourist attractions or, in one case, a caf\u00e9 that serves alcohol. Restaurants have torn down signs advertising halal food, and authorities have embarked upon a sweeping \u201canti-halal\u201d <\/span>campaign,<\/span> after local laws warned against \u201cgeneralizing the concept of \u2018halal,\u2019 expanding and mutating it into social life and other areas.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The authorities created complex human and digital monitoring systems that can detect even private religious observance. This includes a system of mutual reporting that makes people responsible for each other, and a \u201chomestay\u201d policy in which a million local Chinese people \u2013 most of <\/span>them<\/span> members of the dominant Han ethnicity \u2013 have been recruited to regularly sleep inside the homes of Muslim ethnic minorities.<\/span><\/p>\n

According to a recent report by University of Washington anthropologist Darren Byler, these state-imposed \u201crelatives\u201d must fill out checklists with questions such as \u201cAre there any religious items still hanging on the walls of the house?\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

In one Urumqi apartment building visited by The Globe, several doors were sealed with a sticker from a \u201chousehold cadre\u201d telling the resident to call a number to receive an \u201cin-home interview.\u201d Such inspections have made Muslims wary of even praying at home. The Chinese government \u201cwants to change the religion\u201d in Xinjiang, said Erhan Arip, <\/span>a Uyghur<\/span> linguistic historian living <\/span>outside<\/span> China who visited Xinjiang three times this year. Authorities want to shift allegiances to \u201cMarxism, or Chinese government ideas,\u201d he said.<\/span><\/p>\n

Government pressure on the Uyghur community is long-standing, with scholars pointing to the Soviet Union\u2019s dissolution \u2013 which had some of its former territory <\/span>fracture<\/span> into the independent countries bordering western China \u2013 as when Beijing began to worry that the people of Xinjiang, too, could one day push for secession.<\/span><\/p>\n

Joanne Smith Finley, senior lecturer in Chinese Studies at Britain\u2019s Newcastle University, said last spring was a turning point in what she calls a continuing campaign \u201cto stop Uyghurs living their everyday lives and carrying out their everyday practices in a way that is Islamic.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

On April 1, 2017, a new Xinjiang anti-extremism regulation came into force that <\/span>labelled<\/span> \u201cface-masking robes\u201d a sign of extremism \u2013 along with refusing to watch television or \u201cother extreme speech or <\/span>behaviours<\/span>\u201d \u2013 and provided a legal basis for guiding \u201creligions so they can adapt themselves to <\/span>socialist<\/span> society.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThis is what kicked off the really awful excesses that are happening now,\u201d said Prof. Smith Finley, who started researching China\u2019s Uyghurs 27 years ago. She spent three weeks in Xinjiang this summer, splitting her time between Urumqi, the capital, and Kashgar, which has long been the region\u2019s most vibrant <\/span>centre<\/span> of Islamic life.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThey have desanctified most of the mosques in Kashgar,\u201d she said, in part by removing the crescents that once stood atop their minarets (crescents were briefly removed in Urumqi, but have since been reinstalled).<\/span><\/p>\n

Other mosques have been changed from their religious function. Official statistics still show more than 24,000 mosques in Xinjiang. But in Kashgar, \u201cthe only mosque I saw that was open was the one that was converted to a caf\u00e9,\u201d Prof. Smith Finley said.<\/span><\/p>\n

The city\u2019s main Id Kah Mosque, which dates to the year 1442, now functions as a tourist attraction. It charges $8.50 for an entrance ticket, $4 less than the average disposable daily income in Kashgar. Men in riot gear stand inside underneath where a banner that once read, \u201clove the country, love religion\u201d was replaced by one that declares: \u201clove the Party, love the country.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cSo religion is absolutely enemy number one,\u201d Prof. Smith Finley said. Arabic calligraphy that adorned the front entrance to the mosque \u201chas been ripped off,\u201d she said, leaving broken masonry in its place. In years past, 10,000 worshipers might crowd Id Kah on Fridays. When Mr. Arip visited a few months ago, he saw only a few elderly people praying. Other mosques in the area have \u201calready been destroyed,\u201d he says.<\/span><\/p>\n

Although mosque attendance remains allowed in Xinjiang, those entering a place of worship are identified, registered and, Prof. Smith Finley said, can face severe consequences. State employees can lose jobs; retirees can lose pensions; owners of independent businesses can be sent away for political indoctrination and training.<\/span><\/p>\n

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The doors of a mosque are padlocked in Turpan, in China’s Xinjiang region, where Muslims say they fear the consequences of worshipping in public.<\/span><\/p>\n

NATHAN VANDERKLIPPE\/THE GLOBE AND MAIL<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The animosity toward the Muslim population extends beyond government officials. Charles, <\/span>a Uyghur<\/span> Canadian whose full name The Globe is not using for fear of reprisal against his family in Xinjiang, described an encounter he found disturbing from a recent trip back to the region.<\/span><\/p>\n

He watched <\/span>a Uyghur<\/span> friend cower after accidentally bumping the shoulder of a Han man \u2013 a member of the Chinese ethnic majority \u2013 in a narrow corridor outside a restaurant. The man grabbed his friend by the throat and called him a racial slur. The friend apologized and backed away, telling Charles later: \u201cWe are like dogs. They do whatever they want. We cannot do anything.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

It is reminiscent, Prof. Smith Finley said, of the Cultural Revolution, the tumultuous period in the 1960s and 1970s that included a national campaign against the \u201cfour olds,\u201d one of which was religion.<\/span><\/p>\n

In Xinjiang, authorities have strengthened bans on religious observance by Communist Party members, government workers <\/span>and<\/span> students.<\/span><\/p>\n

During Ramadan this year, teachers prevented exchange students at Xinjiang University from leaving their dormitory building in the morning until they had something to eat and drink, one former student told The Globe.<\/span><\/p>\n

Women on campus were banned from wearing all head coverings, even newsboy-style caps, and foreign students signed an undertaking, which The Globe reviewed, to adhere to \u201cInterim Provisions on the Prohibition of all Kinds of Religious Activities and Religious Behaviours.\u201d It included a pledge that \u201cI won\u2019t pray in illegal religious places or on the campus of Xinjiang University (dormitory included).\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Muslims interviewed by The Globe said their own homes have also effectively become illegal places for religious observance.<\/span><\/p>\n

Uyghur poet and filmmaker Tahir Hamut recalled the day last year he and his wife placed their religious books in a pot and set them on fire inside their kitchen. Because matches have largely been banned, they lit the books using the flame from their gas stove. Watching them burn left his wife afflicted. She felt \u201cas if she had betrayed her own faith,\u201d said Mr. Hamut, who left for the United States last August with his wife and daughters.<\/span><\/p>\n

But, he said, government officials had been dispatched to search for religious materials inside homes, and \u201cwe knew that burning those things would help us avoid a lot of trouble.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The Dui Hua Foundation, a U.S. non-profit that focuses on the Chinese legal system, found court records that show authorities enforcing a ban on Islamic clothing inside private homes. Men in Xinjiang have also been dissuaded from wearing traditional ethnic square-sided \u201ddopa\u201d hats, three people said.<\/span><\/p>\n

Local party officials, meanwhile, have published academic articles citing \u201csecularization\u201d as a goal for government policy.<\/span><\/p>\n

Government actions in Xinjiang, Mr. Hamut said, suggest \u201ctheir top priority is to break our religious system as a whole. Why would they want to do this? Because <\/span>to<\/span> many people, religion is spiritual sustenance. It can bring them together and inspire them to fight for a common goal. It connects Uyghurs. But the Chinese government fears that we would use this religion as power and fight against Communist Party rule.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Even the most intimate areas of life have received state attention. In 2014, one area in Xinjiang offered a 10,000 yuan bounty \u2013 worth $1,890 today \u2013 to Uyghurs who married someone from the dominant Han Chinese ethnicity, Chinese media reported at the time.<\/span><\/p>\n

Those efforts continue: On Oct. 12, the state-run Hotan Daily published an article about three such weddings celebrated inside the gates of the No. 14 special police detachment, in the city of Kurumkash, whose name in Chinese is Kunyu.<\/span><\/p>\n

Called \u201cI love Kunyu, I\u2019m doing my part for security,\u201d the festivities promoted \u201ca more stable and harmonious society,\u201d and also allowed female guests to interact \u201cintimately with police, and as a result, the distance between them was greatly diminished,\u201d the Hotan Daily reported.<\/span><\/p>\n

Meanwhile, the definition of \u201cextremism\u201d has expanded. When Charles was in Xinjiang earlier this year, he tried to visit a former colleague, only to be told the woman had been taken away for donating money to help poor Uyghur students with university tuition.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThey said, \u2018It\u2019s illegal, and you are <\/span>a radical<\/span>,\u2019 \u201d Charles recalled. His sister-in-law, too, was placed under investigation for four months after she unknowingly boarded the same plane as someone designated a terrorist. She emerged from the experience, he said, \u201cchanged, so scared.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

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High walls and razor wire surround a facility in Turpan, China, that locals say is used for “education” and western researchers say is a <\/span>centre<\/span> for political indoctrination and skills training. Cranes are being used to construct additional buildings at the site.<\/span><\/p>\n

NATHAN VANDERKLIPPE\/THE GLOBE AND MAIL<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

An expanding effort<\/span><\/h3>\n

The Chinese anti-extremism effort is augmented by large <\/span>centres<\/span> for political indoctrination and skills training, where authorities say they are working to foster a new sense of citizenship and responsibility. For detainees, the first step is to \u201cbreak their lineage, break their roots, break their connections, and break their origins,\u201d according to a government document uncovered by Agence France-Presse.<\/span><\/p>\n

Across Xinjiang, work is <\/span>under way<\/span> to expand those <\/span>centres<\/span>. In the city of Turpan, several cranes were active at one such <\/span>centre<\/span> when The Globe visited. Police deleted pictures of the construction activity taken by The Globe, but satellite imagery shows the location is roughly doubling in size.<\/span><\/p>\n

A recent analysis by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute found that, between July and September of this year, 28 Xinjiang locations identified as indoctrination and skills training <\/span>centres<\/span> were expanded by 35 <\/span>per cent<\/span>. (The total floor space at those <\/span>centres<\/span> alone now amounts to 2.7 million square <\/span>metres<\/span>, 30 times the size of the Parliament Hill grounds.)<\/span><\/p>\n

Friends and family of people believed to be inside such <\/span>centres<\/span> say some have vanished for more than a year. It\u2019s not clear when they might be released, although Chinese authorities said in October that \u201csome trainees have come close to or reached the completion standard agreed in the training agreements\u201d and \u201care expected to complete their courses successfully by the end of this year.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Because authorities can send people away for indoctrination and training without a formal trial, that system has also given officials leverage in shaping the conduct of people who have not been detained. Many Muslims in Xinjiang now reject even simple expressions such as \u201c<\/span>As-salaam<\/span>-alaikum\u201d \u2013 the Arabic-language greeting that means \u201cpeace be unto you\u201d \u2013 out of fear it will be seen as a sign of religious extremism.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cNobody dares to say it, because once you are caught speaking it you will be arrested and sent to indoctrination right away,\u201d <\/span>a Uyghur<\/span> businesswoman told The Globe.<\/span><\/p>\n

In its stead is \u201cni hao,\u201d the Chinese greeting, or perhaps \u201c<\/span>yahximu<\/span> <\/span>siz<\/span>,\u201d the Uyghur words for \u201chow are you.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThe rounds of purging actions have reshaped our minds, and most people in Xinjiang have lost their courage,\u201d the woman said. \u201cResist? Nobody would do that. People only care about their own safety. All we want is to stay safe, and to not be sent to one of those <\/span>centres<\/span>.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Last week, the woman received a phone call from police, telling her she needed to report for indoctrination and training, an intermediary told The Globe. The police said she needed to receive \u201ceducation.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The young man near the mosque, too, knows the consequences of being seen as too fervent. Three months ago, his grandfather, 87, was taken away to a <\/span>centre<\/span> for political indoctrination and skills training. \u201cHis guilt is he can read the Koran,\u201d a skill he had learned nearly 40 years ago, the young man said.<\/span><\/p>\n

Fifteen days after entering the <\/span>centre<\/span>, his grandfather was dead. The young man believes the conditions were too harsh and the food too poor. He worries authorities will one day take him away, too. So like his peers, he abstains from religious observance.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cBecause,\u201d he says, \u201cpeople who believe in Islam every day, going to the mosque \u2013 they have vanished.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Source: The Globe And Mail<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Across the westernmost stretches of China where Islam has flourished for centuries, the signs of a government effort to engineer a society of model citizens loyal to the Communist Party…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":4402,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"topic":[],"class_list":["post-4403","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4403","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4403"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4403\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/4402"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4403"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4403"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4403"},{"taxonomy":"topic","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/topic?post=4403"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}