{"id":4459,"date":"2018-11-14T19:20:17","date_gmt":"2018-11-14T19:20:17","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.iuhrdf.org\/en\/2018\/11\/14\/domestic-security-budgets-reveal-scope-chinas-actions-xinjiang\/"},"modified":"2018-11-14T19:20:17","modified_gmt":"2018-11-14T19:20:17","slug":"domestic-security-budgets-reveal-scope-chinas-actions-xinjiang","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/domestic-security-budgets-reveal-scope-chinas-actions-xinjiang\/","title":{"rendered":"Domestic Security Budgets Reveal Scope of China&#8217;s Actions in Xinjiang"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"><em style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\"><span style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: 700; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\">By Adrian Zenz<\/span><\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">In August 2018, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination expressed its concern at reports the People&#8217;s Republic of China (PRC) had detained as many as a million members of Muslim ethnic minorities in extrajudicial re-education camps in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). At the same meeting, the PRC flatly denied the existence of \u201cre-education camps\u201d, with United Front Work Department official Hu Lianhe&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.chinadaily.com.cn\/a\/201808\/14\/WS5b7260a6a310add14f385a92.html\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; color: rgb(0, 159, 219);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"arguing\" rel=\"noopener\">arguing<\/a>&nbsp;that \u201ccriminals involved only in minor offenses\u201d are assigned to \u201cvocational education and employment training centers to acquire employment skills and legal knowledge.\u201d Other officials, including Xinjiang governor Shohrat Zakir, subsequently&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.xinhuanet.com\/english\/2018-10\/16\/c_137535821.htm\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; color: rgb(0, 159, 219);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"echoed\" rel=\"noopener\">echoed<\/a>&nbsp;his denial.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure class=\"article-img-container below-description\" style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 1.825em auto; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 0; font-size: 14px; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(119, 119, 119); position: relative;\">\n<div class=\"lazy-container\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; padding-bottom: 426px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; position: relative; height: 0px;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"><img decoding=\"async\" alt=\"featxinjiang\" class=\"lazyloaded\" data-srcset=\"https:\/\/image2.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/b9qzvj8wymwv4v4q59ahjg1knuiwsb.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=1080 1080w,\nhttps:\/\/image3.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/b9qzvj8wymwv4v4q59ahjg1knuiwsb.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=750 750w,\nhttps:\/\/image4.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/b9qzvj8wymwv4v4q59ahjg1knuiwsb.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500 500w\" src=\"https:\/\/image4.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/b9qzvj8wymwv4v4q59ahjg1knuiwsb.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500\" src-org=\"https:\/\/image1.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/b9qzvj8wymwv4v4q59ahjg1knuiwsb.jpg?q=80\" srcset=\"https:\/\/image2.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/b9qzvj8wymwv4v4q59ahjg1knuiwsb.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=1080 1080w,\nhttps:\/\/image3.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/b9qzvj8wymwv4v4q59ahjg1knuiwsb.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=750 750w,\nhttps:\/\/image4.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/b9qzvj8wymwv4v4q59ahjg1knuiwsb.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500 500w\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; position: absolute; top: 0px; left: 0px; width: 710px; height: 426px; display: block;\"><\/span><\/div>\n<p><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"><span class=\"photo-credit\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: -2.25em; padding-right: 10px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 1.4em; color: rgb(251, 251, 251); float: right; z-index: 10; text-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.44) 1px 1px 2px; position: relative;\">Credit: CCTV<\/span><\/span><figcaption style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 7px; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; border-top-style: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-bottom-style: dashed; border-left-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-bottom-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-left-color: initial; border-image: initial; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 1.5em; vertical-align: baseline;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Uighur students undergoing supposed &#8220;vocational training,&#8221; shown in a recent Chinese state TV broadcast.<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">But the PRC government\u2019s own budgets appear to contradict these assertions. Xinjiang\u2019s budget figures do not reflect increased spending on vocational education in the XUAR as the region ramped up camp construction; nor do they reflect an increase in criminal cases handled by courts and prosecutors. Rather, they reflect patterns of spending consistent with the construction and operation of highly secure political re-education camps designed to imprison hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs with <\/span><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">minimal<\/span><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"> due process.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">This article supports this conclusion through examination of official PRC budgetary figures, analyzing spending breakdowns at the regional, prefectural, and county levels to produce findings of unprecedented granularity. Among its most striking conclusions:<\/span><\/p>\n<ul style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0.825em; margin-bottom: 0.825em; margin-left: 0px; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; list-style-type: none; list-style-image: initial; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\">\n<li style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.4em; padding-left: 1em; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; text-indent: -1em;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Spending on budget items that explain nearly all security-related facility construction rose by nearly 20 billion RMB (US$2.87 billion), or 213 percent, in 2017<\/span><\/li>\n<li style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.4em; padding-left: 1em; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; text-indent: -1em;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Vocational spending in Xinjiang actually&nbsp;<em style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\">decreased<\/em>&nbsp;from 2016 to 2017, as widespread camp construction began.<\/span><\/li>\n<li style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.4em; padding-left: 1em; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; text-indent: -1em;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Instead, camp construction has largely been funded by the same authorities that oversaw the recently-abolished system for re-education through labor.<\/span><\/li>\n<li style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.4em; padding-left: 1em; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; text-indent: -1em;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Spending on prisons doubled between 2016 and 2017, while spending on the formal prosecution of criminal suspects stagnated.<\/span><\/li>\n<li style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.4em; padding-left: 1em; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; text-indent: -1em;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Expenditures on detention centers in counties with large concentrations of ethnic minorities quadrupled, indicating that re-education is not the only form of mass detainment in the XUAR.<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">We begin this analysis by comparing security spending nationally with that of the XUAR.<\/span><\/p>\n<h5 style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 1.875em; padding-bottom: 0.365em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 1.65em; font-size: 18px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Comparing final domestic security spending accounts<\/span><\/h5>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Table 1 compares domestic security spending in the XUAR, Qinghai province and across all PRC provinces and regions (labeled \u201cnational\u201d). Since Qinghai province has also seen violent discontent among ethnic minorities, it can serve as a kind of \u2018control,\u2019 allowing us to examine security spending in the XUAR alongside a \u2018normal\u2019 province with similar issues.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure class=\"article-img-container\" style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 1.825em auto; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 0; font-size: 14px; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(119, 119, 119); position: relative;\">\n<div class=\"size-restrict\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; max-width: 1036px;\">\n<div class=\"lazy-container\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; padding-bottom: 685.328px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; position: relative; height: 0px;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"><img decoding=\"async\" alt=\"Zenz-table-1\" class=\"lazyloaded\" data-srcset=\"https:\/\/image5.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/h59uxq2fjk8cfy11vxarhbxgh1tgyd.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=1080 1080w,\nhttps:\/\/image6.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/h59uxq2fjk8cfy11vxarhbxgh1tgyd.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=750 750w,\nhttps:\/\/image1.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/h59uxq2fjk8cfy11vxarhbxgh1tgyd.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500 500w\" src=\"https:\/\/image1.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/h59uxq2fjk8cfy11vxarhbxgh1tgyd.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500\" src-org=\"https:\/\/image4.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/h59uxq2fjk8cfy11vxarhbxgh1tgyd.png?q=80\" srcset=\"https:\/\/image5.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/h59uxq2fjk8cfy11vxarhbxgh1tgyd.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=1080 1080w,\nhttps:\/\/image6.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/h59uxq2fjk8cfy11vxarhbxgh1tgyd.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=750 750w,\nhttps:\/\/image1.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/h59uxq2fjk8cfy11vxarhbxgh1tgyd.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500 500w\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; position: absolute; top: 0px; left: 0px; width: 710px; height: 685.328px; display: block;\"><\/span><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/figure>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">While Xinjiang spent below the national average on vocational education \u2013 and just over half the amount spent per capita in Qinghai \u2013 the XUAR spent unusually high amounts per capita in 2017 on domestic security and \u201cother domestic security expenditures\u201d. It also spent more than three times the national average on its justice system, while spending roughly the national average on its prosecutorial and court systems. (In China, the prosecutorial and court systems engage in the formal prosecution and conviction of suspects. The justice system has the more general function of providing legal education to the population, guide the work of lower-level judicial organs and engage in the political thought education of cadres.)<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">The latter observation is important because the term \u2018justice system\u2019 means something very different in the PRC than in countries like the United States. In the PRC, the prosecutorial and court systems, which engage in the formal prosecution and conviction of criminal suspects, are funded separately from the \u2018justice system\u2019, which, among other functions, has significant responsibilities in re-education and general legal education. (The justice system also oversaw the former re-education through labor system.) For Xinjiang, this is confirmed by the fact that government construction and procurement bids related to re-education or similar \u201ctraining\u201d facilities frequently&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/osf.io\/preprints\/socarxiv\/4j6rq\/\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; color: rgb(0, 159, 219);\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">referred to them<\/a>&nbsp;as \u201cjustice bureau transformation through education centers\u201d or simply \u201cjustice system schools.\u201d The increased funding provided to the justice system in Xinjiang is likely the result of a significant expansion of its re-education duties within the region.<\/span><\/p>\n<div id=\"article_paragraph8_videoandunderlay\" style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\">\n<div style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\">\n<div data-google-query-id=\"CMGUi5jM1N4CFQ7W7Qodp5oFzQ\" id=\"div-gpt-ad-1517397033825-4-108116\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\">&nbsp;<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Comparing Xinjiang\u2019s figures with that of the rest of the PRC is one way to confirm the region\u2019s enormous spending on re-education-related security expenditures. Another way is to compare the XUAR\u2019s domestic security budgets for 2016 with those from 2017, the year&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/jamestown.org\/program\/evidence-for-chinas-political-re-education-campaign-in-xinjiang\/\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; color: rgb(0, 159, 219);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"the buildup truly began\" rel=\"noopener\">the buildup truly began<\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n<h5 style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 1.875em; padding-bottom: 0.365em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 1.65em; font-size: 18px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Inflated spending items in Xinjiang\u2019s domestic security final accounts<\/span><\/h5>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Table 2 lists total XUAR domestic security expenditures for 2016 and 2017. Listed below the headline amount are expenditures for seven domestic security sub-categories. The table also includes <\/span><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">same<\/span><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"> figures from a sampling of ethnic minority prefectures and counties. Together, these minority territories account for 60 percent of the XUAR\u2019s total population, and 73.1 percent of its Muslim minority population (population figures via the 2016 Xinjiang Statistical Yearbook).<\/span><\/p>\n<figure class=\"article-img-container\" style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 1.825em auto; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 0; font-size: 14px; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(119, 119, 119); position: relative;\">\n<div class=\"size-restrict\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; max-width: 1730px;\">\n<div class=\"lazy-container\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; padding-bottom: 535.156px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; position: relative; height: 0px;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"><img decoding=\"async\" alt=\"Zenz-table-2\" class=\"lazyloaded\" data-srcset=\"https:\/\/image2.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/v9a8y473szvqoj7wkjwu4jk1oy3ub1.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=1080 1080w,\nhttps:\/\/image3.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/v9a8y473szvqoj7wkjwu4jk1oy3ub1.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=750 750w,\nhttps:\/\/image4.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/v9a8y473szvqoj7wkjwu4jk1oy3ub1.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500 500w\" src=\"https:\/\/image4.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/v9a8y473szvqoj7wkjwu4jk1oy3ub1.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500\" src-org=\"https:\/\/image1.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/v9a8y473szvqoj7wkjwu4jk1oy3ub1.png?q=80\" srcset=\"https:\/\/image2.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/v9a8y473szvqoj7wkjwu4jk1oy3ub1.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=1080 1080w,\nhttps:\/\/image3.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/v9a8y473szvqoj7wkjwu4jk1oy3ub1.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=750 750w,\nhttps:\/\/image4.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/v9a8y473szvqoj7wkjwu4jk1oy3ub1.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500 500w\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; position: absolute; top: 0px; left: 0px; width: 710px; height: 535.156px; display: block;\"><\/span><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/figure>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">The table shows that domestic security spending in minority regions increased much more than in the XUAR as a whole (167 versus 92 percent). The increase was almost entirely due to massive hikes in five domestic security spending categories (highlighted in red in Table 2):<\/span><\/p>\n<ul style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0.825em; margin-bottom: 0.825em; margin-left: 0px; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; list-style-type: none; list-style-image: initial; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\">\n<li style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.4em; padding-left: 1em; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; text-indent: -1em;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Three sub-categories of public security (i.e. policing):<\/span>\n<ul style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0.825em; margin-bottom: 0.825em; margin-left: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style-type: none; list-style-image: initial;\">\n<li style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.4em; padding-left: 1em; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; text-indent: -1em;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Social stability management<\/span><\/li>\n<li style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.4em; padding-left: 1em; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; text-indent: -1em;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Detention center management<\/span><\/li>\n<li style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.4em; padding-left: 1em; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; text-indent: -1em;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Other public security expenditures<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.4em; padding-left: 1em; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; text-indent: -1em;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Justice system expenditures<\/span><\/li>\n<li style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 0.4em; padding-left: 1em; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; text-indent: -1em;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">\u201cOther domestic security expenditures\u201d<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Table 2 also shows that spending on the prosecutorial system increased only marginally, with court expenditures actually declining in both the XUAR and in minority regions. Put differently, the XUAR doubled its spending on prisons without increasing the budget of institutions that determine prison sentences. In the meantime, spending on vocational education declined in both the XUAR and minority regions. In minority regions spending on domestic security exceeded expenditures on vocational education by nearly 20 times in 2017 (compared to only 6.5 times in 2016).<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">The XUAR\u2019s spending on public security \u2013 another word for policing \u2013 nearly doubled in 2017, with this category alone exceeding the entire 2016 domestic security budget. \u201cAdministrative operations\u201d \u2013 a public security sub-category composed mainly of police wages and benefits \u2013 typically dominates public security budgets, but in this case its contribution to increases was small. The public security sub-categories with the largest increases were social stability management, detention center management, and an obscure sub-category called \u201cother public security expenditures\u201d, which saw by far the largest absolute rise of all public security sub-categories. Even that rise, however, was dwarfed by the increase in \u201cother domestic security expenditures\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">These five categories of inflated spending matter because they strongly suggest that the construction of an enormous network of \u2018re-education\u2019 camps was funded not out of the vocational training budget, but out of the portions of the XUAR budget that correspond with policing; re-education and the former reform through labor system; and domestic security. Together the five categories accounted for 98.9 percent of all security-related facility construction expenditures in a sample of 10 minority counties (discussed further below).<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"><span style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: 700; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\">The View from the Bottom<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">More granular data local level data <\/span><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">collected collected<\/span><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"> by the author reinforce these interpretations. A closer look at county budgets reveals consistent differences between counties with a Muslim minority population of at least 35 percent and those with a lower share. From 2016 to 2017, counties with a higher share of Muslim minority population saw a 334 percent increase in the five budget categories highlighted above, while those with a lower share saw an average increase of \u201conly\u201d 29 percent in 2017.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">(The sample comprised 10 counties with Muslim minority population shares over 35 percent, and four counties with shares below 35 percent. The per capita increases were from 275 RMB to 1,191 RMB (US$39.50 to US$171.20) for minority counties, and from 272 RMB to 349 RMB (US$39.10 to US$50.15) in 2017 for non-minority counties.)<\/span><\/p>\n<figure class=\"article-img-container below-description\" style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 1.825em auto; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 0; font-size: 14px; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(119, 119, 119); position: relative;\">\n<div class=\"lazy-container\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; padding-bottom: 473.328px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; position: relative; height: 0px;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"><img decoding=\"async\" alt=\"AP_18263163638754\" class=\"lazyloaded\" data-srcset=\"https:\/\/image5.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/6o0q2qfxg9rga4dz6a3uoaq1v1zyjr.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=1080 1080w,\nhttps:\/\/image6.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/6o0q2qfxg9rga4dz6a3uoaq1v1zyjr.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=750 750w,\nhttps:\/\/image1.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/6o0q2qfxg9rga4dz6a3uoaq1v1zyjr.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500 500w\" src=\"https:\/\/image1.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/6o0q2qfxg9rga4dz6a3uoaq1v1zyjr.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500\" src-org=\"https:\/\/image4.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/6o0q2qfxg9rga4dz6a3uoaq1v1zyjr.jpg?q=80\" srcset=\"https:\/\/image5.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/6o0q2qfxg9rga4dz6a3uoaq1v1zyjr.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=1080 1080w,\nhttps:\/\/image6.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/6o0q2qfxg9rga4dz6a3uoaq1v1zyjr.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=750 750w,\nhttps:\/\/image1.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/6o0q2qfxg9rga4dz6a3uoaq1v1zyjr.jpg?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500 500w\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; position: absolute; top: 0px; left: 0px; width: 710px; height: 473.328px; display: block;\"><\/span><\/div>\n<p><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"><span class=\"photo-credit\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: -2.25em; padding-right: 10px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 1.4em; color: rgb(251, 251, 251); float: right; z-index: 10; text-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.44) 1px 1px 2px; position: relative;\">Credit: AP \/ Ng Han Guan<\/span><\/span><figcaption style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 7px; border-width: 0px 0px 1px; border-top-style: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-bottom-style: dashed; border-left-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-bottom-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-left-color: initial; border-image: initial; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 1.5em; vertical-align: baseline;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">A woman walks past the entrance to the No. 4 High School, also known as the Peyzawat Bilingual High School, with signs which read &#8216;Entering School Grounds, Please Speak Mandarin&#8217; (L) and &#8216;Parents Waiting Zone&#8217; in Peyzawat, Xinjiang, Aug. 31, 2018.<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">In the counties with higher Muslim population shares, spending on the five categories made up 72.3 percent of all domestic security spending in 2017, while vocational education expenditures only rose by 0.4 percent.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Local governments drove the increase in domestic security spending: Domestic security spending by XUAR prefectures and counties grew by 108 percent, versus a 38 percent increase at the regional level. (Generally, the vast amount of domestic security spending (83.1 percent) occurred at these sub-regional levels, especially in counties.)<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">This is not surprising considering that many security infrastructure and re-education related bids \u2013 as well as most new police recruitment notices \u2013 were issued at the county level or lower. Most public bids pertaining to re-education camps identified by the author were issued by public security bureaus (i.e. the police), while a small share came from justice bureaus, which oversee re-education, as well as the former&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/osf.io\/preprints\/socarxiv\/4j6rq\/\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; color: rgb(0, 159, 219);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"reform through labor system\" rel=\"noopener\">reform through labor system<\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Local level data such as these are also important for another reason: They allow us to disaggregate the sources of rapidly increased spending in the two \u201cother\u201d categories \u2013 \u201cother domestic security expenditures\u201d and \u201cother public security expenditures\u201d \u2013 which were, by far, the largest sources of new security spending in the XUAR. This analysis belies further the notion that budget increases went towards vocational training in any meaningful form.<\/span><\/p>\n<h5 style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 1.875em; padding-bottom: 0.365em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 1.65em; font-size: 18px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Departmental spending<\/span><\/h5>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">County level-figures provide even more detailed breakdowns on the final spending figures for individual departments; taken together, they show that a large portion of \u201cother domestic security spending\u201d, and \u201cother public security spending\u201d went towards construction and capital expenditures. Table 3 below lays out the results from a sample of 10 counties with full departmental breakdowns, and eight additional counties with public security department breakdowns. All of the sampled counties have a Muslim population share over 35 percent. The table shows that combined spending on basic construction and other capital investments constituted 71.4 percent of expenditures for all \u201cother public security\u201d and 66.8 percent for \u201cother domestic security\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure class=\"article-img-container\" style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 1.825em auto; padding: 0px; border: 0px; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 0; font-size: 14px; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(119, 119, 119); position: relative;\">\n<div class=\"size-restrict\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; max-width: 1540px;\">\n<div class=\"lazy-container\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; padding-bottom: 297.828px; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; position: relative; height: 0px;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"><img decoding=\"async\" alt=\"Zenz-table-3\" class=\"lazyloaded\" data-srcset=\"https:\/\/image2.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/m3sahc7x1w87bfjbrcmbzv9n1kktzv.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=1080 1080w,\nhttps:\/\/image3.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/m3sahc7x1w87bfjbrcmbzv9n1kktzv.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=750 750w,\nhttps:\/\/image4.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/m3sahc7x1w87bfjbrcmbzv9n1kktzv.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500 500w\" src=\"https:\/\/image4.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/m3sahc7x1w87bfjbrcmbzv9n1kktzv.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500\" src-org=\"https:\/\/image1.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/m3sahc7x1w87bfjbrcmbzv9n1kktzv.png?q=80\" srcset=\"https:\/\/image2.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/m3sahc7x1w87bfjbrcmbzv9n1kktzv.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=1080 1080w,\nhttps:\/\/image3.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/m3sahc7x1w87bfjbrcmbzv9n1kktzv.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=750 750w,\nhttps:\/\/image4.thenewslens.com\/2018\/11\/m3sahc7x1w87bfjbrcmbzv9n1kktzv.png?auto=compress&amp;q=80&amp;w=500 500w\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; position: absolute; top: 0px; left: 0px; width: 710px; height: 297.828px; display: block;\"><\/span><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/figure>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">In contrast, spending on vocational education in nine of the ten counties with full departmental breakdowns amounted to only 106.8 million RMB (US$15.35 million), of which only 4.7 million RMB (US$675,500) (4.4 percent) was spent on construction.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Most re-education expenditures likely came from the XUAR\u2019s domestic security budget. The region\u2019s total budget increased by 49.9 billion RMB (US$7.17 billion) <\/span><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">between between<\/span><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"> 2016 and 2017; nearly half of this increase (27.6 billion RMB, US$3.97 billion) came from greater spending on domestic security. The only other categories with increases over three billion RMB (US$431 million) were education (where increased spending was mostly on preschooling, not vocational schooling), public services, exploration of new natural resources, housing benefits and \u201cother spending.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">However, there is some evidence that re-education construction was also funded by other budgets. For example, the county of Ruoqiang spent six million RMB (US$862,300) from its \u201curban\/rural community affairs\u201d&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20180824132133\/http:\/\/www.loulan.gov.cn\/Government\/PublicInfoShow.aspx?ID=41645\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; color: rgb(0, 159, 219);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"budget\" rel=\"noopener\">budget<\/a>&nbsp;on re-education facility construction. (Re-education figures were subsequently removed, but the author saved a copy of the original version.)<\/span><\/p>\n<h5 style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 1.875em; padding-bottom: 0.365em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: 1.65em; font-size: 18px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Conclusions<\/span><\/h5>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Just like the PRC\u2019s former re-education through labor system, Xinjiang\u2019s re-education campaign seems to be managed by the Ministry of Justice, administered by the public security agencies, and funded largely out of the budgets of these same authorities. Even the region\u2019s recently amended de-<\/span><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">extremification<\/span><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"> ordinance&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.xjpcsc.gov.cn\/1009\/t4028e49c665347630166588b8cf40001001.html\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; color: rgb(0, 159, 219);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"refers to\" rel=\"noopener\">refers to<\/a>&nbsp;\u201cvocational skills training centers\u201d as \u201cre-education institutions,\u201d a term that both Hu Lianhe and Shohrat Zakir carefully avoided. The region\u2019s so-called \u201cvocational training\u201d is arguably not substantially different from the former re-education through labor system, which was&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/osf.io\/preprints\/socarxiv\/4j6rq\/\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; color: rgb(0, 159, 219);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"abolished\" rel=\"noopener\">abolished<\/a>&nbsp;because the PRC government deemed it inappropriate for a modern society governed by the rule of law.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Moreover, Xinjiang\u2019s so-called \u201cvocational training\u201d campaign has not actually improved employment outcomes among the campaign\u2019s target population. Official reports note that in 2017, 58,500 \u201cpoor persons\u201d found employment, 17 percent more than planned, but not a large increase from the 57,800 in 2016 or the 57,900 in 2015. The same figure for the first three quarters of 2018 was 38,800,&nbsp;<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20181017191130\/http:\/\/www.xjrs.gov.cn\/zwgk\/tzgg\/201809\/t8a4ac70265ad6c230165d73182e207ba.html\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; color: rgb(0, 159, 219);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"equivalent\" rel=\"noopener\">equivalent<\/a>&nbsp;to&nbsp;<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20180120072827\/http:\/\/www.shule.gov.cn\/ShowNews_Content14604.shtml\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; color: rgb(0, 159, 219);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"only\" rel=\"noopener\">only<\/a>&nbsp;51,730&nbsp;<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20181017194304\/http:\/\/www.sohu.com\/a\/233640621_100034331\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; color: rgb(0, 159, 219);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"per year\" rel=\"noopener\">per year<\/a>. This data provides a powerful official counternarrative to what Xinjiang\u2019s governor is claiming. Neither the 2017 nor the 2018 XUAR employment reports refer to the purportedly successful \u201cvocational training centers\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">These facts do not support the notion of a large campaign to improve vocational skills. Rather, the mass disappearances of Muslim minorities in Xinjiang, beginning in early 2017, almost certainly resulted in their imprisonment in&nbsp;<em style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\">de facto<\/em>&nbsp;political re-education institutions administered by public security or justice system authorities. It is safe to assume that in 2017, billions of&nbsp;<em style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\">renminbi<\/em>&nbsp;were spent on these highly secure facilities, where individuals undergoing \u201ctraining\u201d are involuntarily detained for indeterminate time periods. Furthermore, budget figures indicate that it is unlikely that many of the so-called \u201ccriminals involved only in minor offenses\u201d underwent formal trials. It is therefore entirely inaccurate to label them \u201ccriminals\u201d. Often, their only \u201coffense\u201d is being Muslim.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Whatever \u201cemployment training\u201d these facilities provide is, evidently, not administered or paid for by the vocational education system. This would explain why teacher recruitment notices for the newly constructed re-education system do not require tertiary degrees or relevant skills, in&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/osf.io\/preprints\/socarxiv\/4j6rq\/\" style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; color: rgb(0, 159, 219);\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"stark contrast\" rel=\"noopener\">stark contrast<\/a>&nbsp;to genuine vocational education.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">The actual employment benefit of the camps\u2019 re-education \u201ctraining\u201d is questionable. Quite the contrary: the real goal of Xinjiang\u2019s \u201cskills training\u201d campaign appears to be political indoctrination and intimidation.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-family: Lato; box-sizing: border-box; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px; padding-top: 0.825em; padding-bottom: 0.825em; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit; font-size: 16px; color: rgb(77, 77, 77);\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"><em style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\">Adrian Zenz is researcher and <\/em><\/span><em style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\"><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">PhD<\/span><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"> supervisor at the European School of Culture and Theology, Korntal, Germany. His research focus is on China\u2019s ethnic policy and public recruitment in Tibetan regions and Xinjiang. He is <\/span><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">author<\/span><\/em><span style=\"font-size:14px;\"><em style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\"> of \u201cTibetanness under Threat\u201d&nbsp;<\/em><em style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\">and co-edited&nbsp;<\/em><em style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\">\u201c<\/em><em style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\">Mapping Amdo: Dynamics of Change.<\/em><em style=\"font-family: inherit; box-sizing: border-box; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; line-height: inherit;\">\u201d<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<div>&nbsp;<\/div>\n<div><span style=\"font-size:14px;\">Source: The News Lens<\/span><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By Adrian Zenz In August 2018, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination expressed its concern at reports the People&#8217;s Republic of China (PRC) had detained as&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":4458,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"topic":[],"class_list":["post-4459","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4459","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4459"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4459\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/4458"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4459"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4459"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4459"},{"taxonomy":"topic","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/iuhrdf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/topic?post=4459"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}